In 1961, NATO’s von Kármán committee (VKC) convened some 100 natural scientists from 12 member states to compile a classified study on a “the scientific factors which may have an effect on the military art” and place “military long-term planning […] on a sound scientific basis.” Intoxicated by the Faustian possibilities of a nascent nuclear age, the findings from this now-declassified forecasting experiment characterized by the “attempt to control and weaponize the earth’s natural systems” are so wantonly destructive and environmentally reckless they still read more like dystopian science fiction than actionable military advice.
Poised as we are on the threshold of another technological revolution, military planners and forecasters of disasters—natural, manmade, and hybrid—have something to learn from the hubristic blind spots of this sixty-year-old thought experiment…and from each other. Thankfully, the VKC’s most diabolical suggested uses of nuclear weapons are not only proscribed by international law but are absent in military planning for all but the most extreme scenarios of great power conflict. Though the place of euphemistic “tactical” use of nuclear weapons is still debated, nuclear deterrence is considered sufficiently intact to keep most strategy and planning around great power conflict limited to two areas: the large-scale combat operations (LSCO) of conventional warfare, and a more amorphous unconventional area known as variously “irregular,” “grey zone,” or “hybrid warfare.”
This paper offers a more precise definition and theory of the latter while exploring the paradox in the title: that enthusiasm for hybrid warfare’s supposed virtues of plausible deniability and exploitation of relatively new domains such as information, space, and cyber invite vicious, unintended, cascading, and escalatory consequences of the kind they seek to avoid.
To start, what is hybrid warfare? This paper defines hybrid warfare as the use of all instruments, elements, determinants of power in coordinated, comprehensive, and holistic ways (including violence or the threat of violence) to achieve national ends. It does not mean the sole use of uniformed armed forces to achieve vital or important national interests.
Much attention has been paid to the false notion of a “Gerasimov Doctrine,” named after a 2013 speech and article by General Valery Gerasimov, Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Federation. While he was not articulating a new approach by Russia to warfare, as both subsequent military acquisitions, training, and the conventional invasion of Ukraine in 2022 clearly indicate, he did make an important point, stating:
“In the 21st century we have seen a tendency toward blurring the lines between the states of war and peace. Wars are no longer declared and, having begun, proceed according to an unfamiliar template…The role of nonmilitary means of achieving political and strategic goals has grown, and, in many cases, they have exceeded the power of force of weapons in their effectiveness….All this is supplemented by military means of a concealed character, including carrying out actions of informational conflict and the actions of special-operations forces. The open use of forces — often under the guise of peacekeeping and crisis regulation — is resorted to only at a certain stage, primarily for the achievement of final success in the conflict.”
Some scholars of war call this approach hybrid warfare, others refer to it as gray-zone warfare, others refer to irregular warfare, others like to note a competition continuum, or call it unconventional or asymmetrical warfare. There are multiple ideas and often slightly different definitions for the same phenomenon. Rather than get involved in the complexity of name-calling, this paper adopts hybrid warfare as defined above and attempts to explain it in terms of yesterday, today, and the future application of the approach. The work in this paper should apply similarly to other titles for the hybrid warfare phenomenon.
Above all else, hybrid warfare is meant to stay below conventional conflict. This requirement is often met by using non-military ways of inducing or forcing a change in policy by an opponent, such as spreading rumors, assassinating enemy officials, disrupting agriculture or trade in an opponent’s territory, or initiating a peace deal knowing that in due time the user will attack the opponent. Ancient military manuals and theories articulate various approaches, and can be found in Sun Tzu, Sun Bin, the Thirty-Six Stratagems, Kautilya, and in the writings of various Western theorists. When these approaches are used separately or with no involvement of the military, we can refer to this as simple hybrid warfare. Using proxies as Iran does throughout the Middle East is a good example of simple hybrid warfare, and also has been indicative of the approach used by smaller actors who cannot afford to go to a higher level of combat. In the case of Iran, it divides its military into Artesh (domestic) and Sepah (Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, IRGC, or international), with the IRGC-Quds Force as the “Special Forces” that run the international proxies. This separation provides a pretense of lack of control that is always utilized by the dominant actor in a proxy relationship to prevent an escalation from a stronger adversary.
Hybrid warfare tactics are as many as can be imagined. The following 13 tactics are illustrative:
• Attack an opponent diplomatically (eg, ally with your opponent’s adversary),
• Attack an opponent’s economy (eg., crash your opponent’s economy via a run on the stock market),
• Attack an opponent’s cyber systems and/or critical infrastructure,
• Attack an opponent’s government and electoral systems,
• Spread rumors and fake news by social media,
• Utilize agents of influence,
• Engage in targeted assassination,
• Deploy military assets under thin cover of legality or deniability,
• Construct islands to then claim territorial waters,
• Steal opponent’s intellectual and real property and enrich yourself,
• Use organized criminal networks to destabilize an adversary’s society through the trafficking of drugs or humans,
• Create a refugee crisis for an adversary,
• Use proxies to do any of the foregoing (can fund with cash or in kind).
The strength and danger of hybrid warfare is that it can be endless, everywhere war, especially because it can be argued that it is not war, but merely statecraft, or the unintentional behavior of loosely-affiliated proxies.
Complex hybrid warfare is the conscious mixing of military/physical force with non-physical force. This notion is often captured in Western “War College” ideas using the DIME (diplomatic, informational, military, and economic instruments) together, and thus has its roots in the idea of grand strategy. George Kennan’s notion of “political warfare” prefaces this concept. Modern usage of complex hybrid warfare was seen in Russian efforts against Chechnya and Georgia, where military action quickly followed after cyber, diplomatic, and economic attempts were initiated.
Future forms of hybrid warfare represent the reality of what humankind will likely face in the 21st century. The advent of a globalized world, potentially wracked by the depredations of climate change, and full of new approaches that can bring about forceful or threatened outcomes. The United States now has a Cyber Command and a Space Force, and other leading powers have versions of the same entities. China adopted a doctrine of warfare that specified “three warfares,” namely information warfare, legal warfare, and psychological warfare. But the linear nature of most war planning and the fact that the military is invariably in charge of war planning invariably means that most complex hybrid warfare today involves using non-military or quasi-military ways at first, followed by a quick turn to conventional or sub-conventional conflict.
Soon, however, complex hybrid warfare will give way to advanced hybrid warfare, in which the timetable, the targets, the means and ways, and the ability to venture into using force or the threat of force in entirely new ways changes how wars will be fought.
Advanced hybrid warfare uses multiple types of force collectively against both a primary adversary and others (either allies/partners of the primary adversary or possibly opponents). For example, using election meddling against the primary adversary or targeted assassination to replace its government leaders, while attacking an ally with financial or economic misdirection that blames the primary opponent, or using cyber methods to bring about a DOS or DDOS failure, while also cyber or information approaches to undermine an adversary—all done in a contextual way, albeit perhaps on different timelines. This can be extended in multiple directions if pursuing power is the sole goal of the country in question.
Future of hybrid warfare – There is every reason to believe that the future will see more efforts to engage in advanced hybrid warfare, which will undoubtedly incorporate new opportunities, many having to do with artificial intelligence-empowered autonomous systems, biological and chemical weapons, cyber capabilities, climate change, disaster relief and humanitarian assistance, data analytics, economic and financial opportunities, legal warfare, nanotechnology, quantum computing, and robotics, to name but a few that come to mind of what is known already. Also, the timetable for warfare will change irrevocably, as it will exist all the time between powerful states, unless we are able to abandon our realist hearts and adopt a constructivist willingness to outlaw the games of power and live together in harmony. As the nature of warfare is held to be enduring, it is likely that its rapidly changing character will make advanced hybrid warfare the reality of the future.
Ultimately, hybrid warfare will require substantial changes to state leadership and bureaucracies. The militaries cannot manage defense/wars when so much of war behavior will be non-military. Having a multitude of organizations working together will also fail, as whole-of-government approaches always run afoul of the reality that unity of effort is not the same thing as unity of command. And, above all else, being the individual in charge of a long-term effort involving everything that a state may use against another state is impossible, even with the help of AI enhancements or acolytes. Nonetheless, the future of warfare will travel in this direction. We should prepare for it.
Workshop DOD 2024
Workshop DOD 2024